
Special Report
Will France Clean Up Anti-Semitism?
Posted Aug. 5, 2002
By Kenneth
R. Timmerman
In a moving speech commemorating the 60th anniversary of the
infamous roundup of French Jews in 1942, French Prime Minister
Jean-Pierre Raffarin spoke hard truths to his fellow countrymen. For
two generations, the French have cloaked themselves in the memory of
a resistance movement against the Nazi occupation that was neither
widespread nor terribly glorious. Now, said Raffarin, it was time for
the French to own up to the truth and make amends.
"The French state, in organizing these systematic roundups, plunged
into collaboration and betrayed the founding principles of our
nation," Raffarin said at a July 21 ceremony at the Square of the
Martyrs, a Paris memorial built where a bicycle stadium was turned
into a transit camp for captive Jews.
Citing names that live on in infamy as centers for the deportation,
Raffarin went on: "Yes, the Vel' d'Hiv, Drancy, CompiËgne and
all the transit camps, these antechambers of death were organized,
managed and protected by Frenchmen. Yes, the first act of the Shoah
played itself out here, with the complicity of the French state.
Ö Seventy-six thousand Jews were deported from France. So few
ever came back."
On the night of July 16-17, 1942, the records show, 13,152 Jews were
rounded up and taken to the Paris bicycle stadium, the Velodrome
d'Hiver, or Vel' d'Hiv, and subsequently deported to Nazi death
camps. And yet, even today, defensive French officials insist in
interviews that the French government protected French Jews during
the occupation. "There were only [sic] 76,000 Jews deported
from France because the French government, even under Vichy, made an
effort to save the essential part of the French population," one
official tells Insight. And never mind that only 2,500 of the 76,000
Jews deported from France survived.
Raffarin saluted the memory of the Free French, who heeded the call
of Gen. Charles de Gaulle from his exile in Britain to rise up
against the German occupant and the French collaborationist
government in Vichy. But he also spoke out forcefully and
unequivocally against the rage of anti-Semitic attacks that in recent
months have ravaged French synagogues and Jewish cemeteries, and
which have struck fear into the hearts of French Jews for the first
time in 60 years.
"Attacking the Jewish community is to attack France, to attack the
values of our republic where there is no room for anti-Semitism,
racism or xenophobia," Raffarin said. He pledged that his government,
which came to power in the wake of the presidential and parliamentary
elections this spring, would "take all necessary measures" against
the perpetrators of "these acts that insult our country."
Intellectuals and Jewish organizations have sharply criticized the
French government during the last 18 months for failing to take
action against the most extensive wave of anti-Semitic attacks since
the Holocaust. Until late April, that government was headed by
Socialist prime minister Lionel Jospin, who was humiliated during the
first round of presidential elections when he was edged out by
far-right candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen. French society from left to
right rallied behind President Jacques Chirac in the run-off election
to defeat Le Pen and, ultimately, gave Chirac a clear majority in the
parliamentary elections that followed.
Chirac's new interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, donned a bulletproof
vest immediately after he was appointed and visited violence-prone
housing developments in the predominantly Muslim suburbs of Paris. He
warned Muslim leaders in France that fresh violence would be met
firmly and that the French police would keep close tabs on local
mosques to ensure that they stopped preaching violence against Jews.
He and his subordinates met repeatedly with French and visiting
American Jewish leaders and pledged to prosecute the perpetrators of
anti-Semitic attacks. "When we met with Sarkozy in early July, Rabbi
[Abraham] Cooper told him he was not a breath of fresh air,
but a blast of fresh air," says Shimon Samuels, the European director
of the Los Angeles-based Simon Wiesenthal Center.
Earlier meetings with Sarkozy's Socialist predecessor, Daniel
Vaillant, were tepid at best, Samuels tells Insight in Paris.
"Vaillant didn't get it. He said it was just a few Muslim hoodlums
attacking Jews, not anti-Semitism." A similar message was repeated by
Socialist Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine, who told a Wiesenthal
Center delegation in June 2001 that the attacks were "only acts of
suburban hooliganism" and denied that his government tolerated such
attacks or that its harsh anti-Israeli rhetoric encouraged them.
Chirac undercut his own prime minister during a July 29 meeting in
Paris with Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Shimon Peres by suggesting
that criticism of France's belated reaction to anti-Semitic attacks
was "an insult" and part of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy involving
U.S. Jewish groups taking orders from Jerusalem.
The current wave of anti-Jewish attacks in France began in late
September 2000 ó at virtually the same time that the
Palestinian Authority and associated terrorist organizations, under
Yasser Arafat's direct orders, launched the still ongoing campaign of
suicide bombings against Israeli civilians that the Palestinians call
the "second intifada," or uprising. The anti-Semitic attacks in
France quickly turned violent. In the Paris suburb of Aubervilliers,
a car drove full speed into a crowd of Jews leaving a synagogue after
a prayer service on Oct. 1. Molotov cocktails were thrown against
Jewish schools and synagogues. On the night of Oct. 10, just after
the end of the Yom Kippur holidays, two synagogues were attacked
inside Paris, while synagogues in two suburban towns were firebombed
and totally destroyed.
Michel Mimouni, who was president of the Jewish community in Trappes,
west of Paris, recalls vividly what happened that night. "At 11 in
the evening, I was woken up by a phone call from the police.
'Monsieur,' they said, 'your synagogue is burning.' I couldn't
believe it."
He drove the one-and-one-half miles through a pouring rain to the
synagogue, where firemen were battling flames licking through the
charred timbers of the roof. "I saw the synagogue burning like a heap
of straw and I burst into tears," Mimouni says. "Not even during the
Nazi occupation were synagogues attacked in France. The last time a
synagogue was burned was in the Middle Ages!"
The next morning, the police told him they had found two gasoline
cans with wicks inside the ruined building that had been used to set
the fire. An eyewitness from the neighboring housing development
identified six North African youths who had left the synagogue just
as the fire began. The police arrested them, but ultimately let them
go claiming they didn't have enough evidence to prosecute.
And so it went for nearly 18 months. The Representative Council of
French Jewry (CRIF) has catalogued more than 1,000 violent threats
against Jews and overt anti-Semitic acts. During the last three
months of 2000 alone, physical violence included 44 firebombings, 43
attacks on synagogues and 39 assaults on Jews as they were leaving
places of worship. And yet, for all of it, the French police made
just a few dozen arrests.
An Interior Ministry report late last year concluded that the
violence was the work of "petty criminals," not anti-Semites. "There
was no rejection of the Jew," the author of the report, Khadija
Mohsen-Finan, told the New York Times after interviewing nearly 500
young Muslims. "So far, the number of incidents has been small."
French Jews were merely overreacting, she added, echoing public
statements by leading Socialist politicians. "Are there verbal
attacks? Sure. But that goes both ways," she said.
The "verbal attacks" Mohsen-Finan dismissed as "inconsequential"
included such incidents as bands of young Muslim youths gathering in
front of synagogues as Jewish worshippers emerged, chanting "death to
the Jews." They also included anti-Jewish graffiti painted on the
doors of Jews living in suburban housing complexes, bottles thrown
from balconies at Jews leaving synagogues, insults shouted at Jews in
the subway and on city streets and physical attacks against Jewish
youths playing soccer at public fields.
This spring violence against French Jews reached new heights. Major
synagogues were burned in Paris, Marseilles, Lyons and Strasbourg,
and Jews regularly were attacked in the streets. When the French
government still did nothing to quell the violence, the Wiesenthal
Center issued a travel advisory warning American Jews against
traveling to France. The American Jewish Congress (AJC) took out
full-page advertisements in newspapers urging U.S. filmmakers and
distributors to boycott the Cannes Film Festival. Chirac, in the
middle of what at first appeared to be a difficult re-election
campaign, furiously protested that France was not anti-Semitic.
"President Chirac was upset," AJC President Jack Rosen told Insight
in an interview during a recent trip to Paris, where he was visiting
again with French officials. "He and others in the French government
realized that the public scrutiny exposed them and that they needed
to react." Steps were taken after the presidential election to deploy
1,200 riot troops to protect synagogues and other Jewish
institutions.
French officials tell Insight that the initial decision to protect
Jewish institutions was taken in March by the outgoing Socialist
government, and that the troops were deployed shortly before the
first round of the elections. But if so, they had no explanation for
why it took so long even to begin the crackdown.
A senior Israeli official who deals regularly with European
governments warned that the wave of anti-Semitic attacks in France
was not just the work of troubled Arab youths. "There are those in
the French government who permit these acts to occur, who create an
atmosphere of tolerance toward anti-Semitic acts," he said.
Retired Gen. Michel Darmon heads the France-Israel Association. He
places the blame for the attacks squarely on Socialist officials such
as former foreign minister Vedrine. "The French Foreign Ministry is
not just anti-Israel, but anti-Semitic," he tells Insight. "France
has a crushing responsibility for continuing the Middle East
conflict, because they actively encourage the Arabs to the worst
forms of anti-Semitism. The French message is that hate speech is
legitimate."
A prominent member of the Socialist Party central committee, Pascal
Boniface, wrote a scathing "letter to an Israeli friend" in the
French daily Le Monde that appeared last August. The letter said the
Jews had only themselves to blame for the anti-Semitic attacks
because of their "blind" support of an Israeli government "considered
by more and more people as unjust, if not odious." Boniface strongly
was criticized for his comments, which widely were considered
anti-Semitic and included urging party leaders during the recent
election campaign to abandon the 700,000-strong Jewish community in
favor of the 5 million Arab immigrants.
The downside to his proposal, which was leaked to the press, came on
election day when Jews voted massively against the Socialists and the
Arabs stayed home.
Thierry Keller is the treasurer of SOS Racism, a left-wing group
seeking dialogue between Jewish youth groups and second-generation
Arab immigrants, or beurs. Keller agrees that French anti-Semitism
did not die with Adolf Hitler and Marshal Philippe PÈtain.
"The fact that young beurs are carrying out these attacks is very
convenient for the anti-Semitic Catholic elites. The beurs are
inadvertently doing their dirty work for them," he says. Keller was
brought up Catholic.
"Anti-Semitism is re-emerging because the old taboos against
attacking Jews in public have been lifted. This legitimizes those who
make intellectual arguments against Jews and makes it an open season
for Holocaust denial and anti-Semitic attacks," Keller says.
National Front leader Le Pen has been condemned several times in
French courts for anti-Semitic statements and Holocaust denials, but
his favorite target in recent years has been the more than 5 million
Muslim immigrants living in France, who account for roughly 10
percent of the population. Le Pen's upset victory in the first round
of the French presidential elections this spring led to massive
demonstrations against racism and an abrupt (if temporary) end to
anti-Semitic attacks.
A senior deputy to Le Pen, Dominique Chaboche, called the wave of
anti-Semitic attacks "very limited acts. We're talking about a few
fires, a few slogans, a few insults," he tells Insight. "It's
intolerable that French Jews are Jews first, and French second.
Ö When we criticize Jewish control of the media we are called
anti-Semites. It's not true. Just because I don't like [painter
Marc] Chagall doesn't make me an anti-Semite."
Asked several times about reports that his party questioned the
existence of the Nazi gas chambers, Chaboche insists that it was
"perfectly legitimate" to question the facts of the Holocaust. "You
can't forbid people from thinking. I don't understand why the
Holocaust is the only period in history where it's not allowed to do
historical research. So to challenge the existence of the gas
chambers, to research their existence, is perfectly legitimate."
A French official who interacts daily with French and international
Jewish groups acknowledges that the attacks did generate a "big
emotion" in the Jewish community. But, he says, "Anti-Semitism does
not exist in France!" The violent acts that get reported in the
newspapers, he goes on, were just the acts of "a few hooligans, a few
North Africans and blacks, who want to show off to their friends. It
is criminal, but nothing more. These acts are now being prosecuted
severely with heavy sentences."
Since late March, another senior French official tells Insight, new
instructions have been given to courts and state prosecutors to crack
down on those found guilty of anti-Semitic violence. A detailed
compilation of these cases, made available by the official, shows 41
separate prosecutions between March 30 and July 2. In most cases,
however, those found guilty of anti-Semitic violence received
suspended prison sentences or probation, or were simply let go.
Many of the individuals caught firebombing synagogues in April still
are awaiting trial. How they are treated by the French courts will
provide the best yardstick for judging the sincerity of Prime
Minister Raffarin's pledge to crack down on an anti-Semitic violence
that has been tolerated for 18 months by the French political
establishment from right to left.
But the latest statements by Chirac (who also refused a U.S. request
to include the Iranian-backed Hezbollah in Lebanon on the list of
international terrorist groups) augur poorly. Said Rosen, "For Chirac
to say that Hezbollah is not a terrorist organization because they
have social programs is tantamount to saying that Hitler's Nazi
regime wasn't all that bad because they also had social
programs."
Kenneth R. Timmerman is a senior writer for
Insight magazine.