By Kenneth R.
Timmerman
FrontPageMagazine.com | February 23, 2007
Iran’s ruling clerics
have a new unofficial spokesman in Washington, who can talk
circles around their official ambassadors.
His name is Trita Parsi, and he is a protégé of Francis
Fukayama, the policy heavy-weight who has now turned against
the Bush agenda of promoting freedom in the Middle East as
an antidote to terror.
In a remarkable round-up of official Iranian government
views, presented as “objective” analysis on C-SPAN this past
Saturday, Feb. 17, Parsi urged the United States government
to “open up diplomacy and dialogue” with Iran’s rulers and
to give them a leading role in resolving the sectarian war
in Iraq – a war that the Iranians themselves have fueled.
He repeated as evidence of how helpful the Iranians can be a
favorite myth of the Left, claiming that Iran helped the
United States in Afghanistan in the fall of 2001. In fact,
however, Iran set up a “rat line” for al Qaeda members
seeking to flee the U.S. bombing in Afghanistan, and has
been sheltering al Qaeda operatives ever since. Flights of
Iranian army helicopters and fixed wing aircraft to evacuate
Bin Laden family members and senior al Qaeda leadership to
Mashad were observed at the time by U.S. intelligence, as I
reported in Countdown to Crisis.
Parsi also attempted to downplay Iran’s involvement in Iraq,
arguing that Iranian-made Explosively Formed Penetrators
(EFP’s) were “only” responsible for killing a “small number”
of American troops (170!), and that Shia militias “are not
responsible” for American casualties.
Then he dismissed the evidence unveiled recently in
Baghdad of
Iran’s involvement with the insurgents with an argument that
only a mullah could have invented. The U.S. claim that it
had found Iranian weapons in the hands of insurgents was
“not a very serious accusation,” he said, because “a lot of
American weapons are in the hands of Sunni insurgents.”
Small wonder that the first question Mr. Parsi was asked
when listeners phoned into the early Saturday morning show
was whether he was being paid by the Iranian government.
No, he said. His organization, the National Iranian American
Council (NIAC), was a “grass-roots lobbying” group funded
80% by private donations, with additional money coming from
foundation grants. “We get no money from government
sources,” he added, either from Iran or from the United
States.
Of course, if the Iranian regime wanted an organization to
promote its views in Washington, the last thing it would do
is to provide direct grant money to the group. Besides, the
Iranian equivalent of our National Endowment for Democracy
is the Qods Force, the special branch of the Islamic
Republic Guards corps that funds, trains, and commands
overseas terrorists – er, “freedom fighters.”
But Mr. Parsi’s quick declaration that his “grass roots”
lobbying group is free from government funding is not even
true on its face. According to his group’s own annual report
for 2003-2004, available from its website, they have received grants
from the National Endowment for Democracy, which is a
private foundation established by the U.S. government and
funded by Congress.
On its website, NED lists a $25,000 grant to NIAC in 2002, “to design and
implement a two-day media training workshop in Iran&
[to] guage participants general receptiveness to civic
activities.” NIAC received a second NED grant in 2005, this
time for $64,000, “to strengthen the capacity of civic
organizations in Iran.”
NIAC does not describe these activities in its annual
reports. However, failed efforts to hold “training
workshops” with Iranians in Dubai by another U.S. non-profit
group, the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center at Yale
University, led to the arrest of several student
pro-democracy activists last year. Under pressure by the
Iranian authorities, they then denounced U.S. efforts to
promote democracy in Iran.
Iranian student activists have complained for years that
their movements have been infiltrated by pro-regime elements
masquerading as regime opponents. Last year’s mishap over
the training workshops in the methods of non-violent
conflict would appear to be a case in point.
NIAC acknowledges that it has received funding from the Open
Society Institute and the Tides Foundation, both of which
have close ties to radical leftwing billion George Soros,
who is actively opposing the Bush administration’s crackdown
on Iranian meddling in Iraq.
Frontpage magazine editor Ben Johnson reveals in his
2004 study of the Tides Foundation that Tides also funds groups as the
Council for American-Islamic Relations, Moveon.org, the
Arab-American Action Network, and the National Lawyers
Guild, a group founded by the Communist Party USA.)
Is NIAC an authentic grass roots organization, as Parsi
claims? It’s hard to know. Its 2004 annual report shows that
approximately 29% of NIAC’s funding came from “membership
dues.” But without itemization or lists of donors and
members, it is impossible to determine whether NIAC is the
pet project of a handful of wealthy Iranian donors, who may
be promoting their own business interest in resumed trade
with Iran, or whether it relies on larger numbers of small
donors.
The overwhelming majority of the two million-plus Iranian
community in America came to this country to escape the
tyranny of the Islamic revolution in Iran. There was strong
support within this community for the re-election of
President Bush in 2004, and a great deal of deception since
then that the president has not lived up to the expectations
he had created of helping the Iranian people to free
themselves of the yoke of absolute clerical rule.
But this is not NIAC’s agenda. By its own account and by Mr.
Parsi’s voluminous public statements, NIAC’s agenda
dovetails quite nicely with the agenda of so-called
“reformers” in Tehran such as Hojjat-ol eslam Ali Akbar
Hashemi-Rafsanjani, who is attempting to paint a happy face
on the regime as a reliable partner to stabilize Iraq.
But Rafsanjani is also the man who presided over the buildup
of Iran’s clandestine nuclear weapons program and the murder
of thousands of Iranian dissidents, at home and abroad.
In a speech at Tehran University on Dec. 14, 2001, the
“moderate reformer” Rafsanjani raised the possibility that
the Islamic Republic of Iran might be willing to endure
“millions” of casualties if it could annihilate Israel in a
nuclear exchange. “Such a scenario is not inconceivable,” he
said. So much for moderation.
Item number one on the agenda NIAC shares to Tehran’s
leaders is to clip the wings of the Bush administration, to
prevent a U.S. military attack on Iranian nuclear and
missile sites. On Feb. 16, for example, the NIAC
website proudly announced that it had joined forces with other
left-wing activist groups to buy a full page ad on the back
cover of the Congressional Quarterly, “warning against war
with Iran.”
Item number two is to promote a “grand bargain” with Iran’s
clerical leadership. To legitimize this position, which also
was promoted by the Baker-Hamilton Iraq Study Group, NIAC
turns to “former neoconservative theorist” Dr. Francis
Fukuyama, who famously denounced his former allies in a the
New York Times oped last year and now says that the Bush
pro-democracy agenda is “in a shambles.”
In NIAC’s account, Fukuyama described the Iranian regime at
a recent Capitol Hill conference as a “cautious regional
actor,” and “described Iranian foreign policy as pragmatic
and rational,” while urging the Bush administration to hold
its nose and cut a deal.
To further credit this thesis, Parsi has been feeding the
press with information about a much-hyped Iranian offer to
“negotiate” with the United States in May 2003.
His
latest, breathless claim is that he acquired a copy of the
Iranian offer while in Iran and gave it to Rep. Robert Ney
(recently sentenced to prison for his role in the Jack
Abramoff lobbying scandal), and that Ney hand-delivered it
to Karl Rove in the White House. Says Rove-hunter Steve
Clemons, “the revelation that Rove is involved is huge.”
So let’s get this straight. An organization that has
received funding from the National Endowment for Democracy
to promote democracy in Iran is actually promoting the views
of the Tehran regime in Washington, seeking to sabotage U.S.
policy, and actually boasts of playing an intermediary role
for Tehran’s mullahs in
apparent violation of the Logan Act. Hmmn.
Other items on the NIAC agenda that dovetail nicely with the
desiderata of Tehran were on display at the conference the
group co-sponsored last week on Capitol Hill with Clemons’
New America Foundation.
Former IAEA deputy director Bruno Pellaud made the
unbelievable claim that the IAEA has found “no evidence of a nuclear
weapons program” in Iran. That, of course, is just what the
regime wants us to believe.
Pellaud’s statement non-plussed even Clintonista Joe
Cirincirone, formerly in charge of non-proliferation
programs at the Carnegie Endowment, who has made a
profession of mocking the Bush administration for swallowing
intelligence community claims on Iraqi WMD for years.
Cirincirone gently reminded Pellaud of multiple findings of
clandestine nuclear weapons research by the IAEA in Iran,
including documents and equipment for producing
“hemispheres” of highly-enriched uranium, which have “no
other use” than for nuclear weapons. (To understand
Pellaud’s thinking, it’s necessary to recall that he was the
top deputy to Hans Blix when the blind Swede headed the IAEA
and for 18 years fail to detect Iran’s clandestine nuclear
programs.)
Beyond that, NIAC and Tehran would both like to see U.S. and
UN sanctions on Iran lifted, so that U.S. capital and oil
drilling technology can rescue Iran’s ageing oil fields from
extinction.
Want to know what Tehran’s thinking? There’s no need to turn
to the Islamic Republic News Agency, or to watch Supreme
leader Ayatollah Khamenei or Ahmadinejad. Just listen to the
Mullah’s voice in Washington.
Trita Parsi makes the Iranian regime sound so reasonable. So
pragmatic. So – well, just like us. The kind of
folks we can do a deal with.
And as the mullahs take home that agreement with our
signature on it with a smile, the Qods force continues to
murder U.S. soldiers in Iraq. And those uranium enrichment
centrifuges continue to spin, somewhere inside an unknown
mountain in Iran.
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